Those are both pretty good questions though.
post #51 of 81
9/25/07 at 5:06pm
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Originally Posted by Richard Dickson
Those are both pretty good questions though.
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Originally Posted by MissZooey
It's Columbia, for God's sake - I'm sure the faculty and students could have handeled it.
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| ... The right of free speech - Bollinger and Ahmadinejad were exercising it before, during and after this controversy -- was never in question. What was in question was Bollinger's judgment. Why provide the President of Iran -- who supports terrorism and whose government provides bombs to Iraqi insurgents and terrorists who use them to kill American soldiers -- with the prestigious platform at a great American university? Isn't it a fact that Ahmadinejad has been and will continue to be interviewed by journalists every day during his stay in America? What he got at Columbia was a special platform where he could, in an academic setting, disseminate his views to the world. Yes, the attention of the world, particularly the Islamic world, was focused on Columbia and Ahmadinejad. And what did they see? They saw Columbia University's president, Bollinger, who had invited Ahmadinejad to his school, do what should never be done - insult the person who is a guest in your home, office or shared podium and stage. Bollinger had said of Ahmadinejad, "Mr. President, you exhibit all the signs of a petty and cruel dictator," adding, "You are either brazenly provocative or astonishingly uneducated." Bollinger went on, "It's well-documented that Iran was a state sponsor of terrorism." The final insult was, "I doubt that you will have the intellectual courage to answer these questions." Ahmadinejad understood this immediately and referred to Bollinger's insults in his speech, saying, "I shall not begin by being affected by this unfriendly treatment." ... All in all, it was a fiasco for America and a blunder by Bollinger, as well as a coup for Ahmadinejad. His goal was not to respond to Bollinger, the Columbia students or Americans seeing him on television. His goal was to talk over their heads to the Islamic world and its terrorists and show how he bearded the Columbia lion in its own den. |
| And let's also remember that the people of Tehran, Iran, produced one of the largest candlelight vigil demonstrations in the Muslim world in support of the USA the day after 9/11, repudiating the act and actors of that event. We still have the ability to make an ally of that nation, and shouldn't blow it by fear and bluster (or bombs). America is better and stronger than the nervous Nellies and chickenhawk war-mongers who currently have control of the Republican Party (and a few Democrats, apparently). As JFK said: "We are not afraid to entrust the American people with unpleasant facts, foreign ideas, alien philosophies, and competitive values. For a nation that is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market is a nation that is afraid of its people." |
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Originally Posted by jonvoight's car
Columbia is the place where they have banned the ROTC...[/URL]
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Originally Posted by ElCapitanAmerica
"In Iran we don't have homosexuals like in your country. We don't have that like in your country. ... In Iran we do not have this phenomenon. I don't know who's told you that we have this."
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad |
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Originally Posted by Jan Travolta
Without derailing this thread...
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| Ground rules were established as well. Many of the issues raised in Bollinger's introduction, such as Ahmadinejad's denial of the Holocaust, as well as his sentiments expressing a desire to wipe Israel off the map, had to be agreed upon by both parties prior to the visit, according to Bulliet. Other issues raised by Bollinger included human rights violations and the house arrest of Columbia alumnus Kian Tajbakhsh in Tehran. |
| The president of Columbia's criticisms of Ahmadinejad's crimes before his speech was very constructive. But Bollinger did the cause of free speech and America's image in the Middle East a great deal of disservice when he went on for almost 19 minutes name-calling Ahmadinejad before allowing him to speak and not really thanking him for accepting Columbia's invitation to speak. Ahmadinejad scored a second point when he criticized the Columbia president for giving the audience what he called a "vaccination" before Ahmadinejad had a chance to speak. He said that in Iran, they allow students and professors to freely exchange ideas without instructing them how they should feel about things. That, of course, cannot have been farther from the truth. Nonetheless, many in the room related to his argument, promoting the students to applaud, hence ridiculing those who introduced him. It is understandable why Columbia would be inclined to give such an introduction to defuse some of the pressure that was asserted on the university due to massive criticisms of the institution for allowing Ahmadinejad to speak. But he went too far, which gave Ahmadinejad the opportunity to successfully attack back and score some sympathy. |
| Many Iranians hoped that Columbia would take this opportunity to keep the focus of questions on Iran's brutal domestic policies. And yet, of the five or six questions that were asked, astonishingly, only one related to human rights, with women and homosexuals put together in one question as if they didn't deserve their own individual questions. But for the most part, the questions that were asked of him were significantly superficial. This is not because questions with regards to anti-Israel and anti-American rhetoric aren't important. But rather, they are nothing new! Iran has been issuing such empty rhetoric since the Islamic revolution in 1979. Yet that's what they have been: empty rhetoric for domestic consumption, not an official policy declaration. But human rights crimes, stoning of women for infidelity, arresting unmarried people for dating or holding hands in public and killing homosexuals for being have been going on for almost three decades. As someone who was arrested in Tehran at age 16 for the crime of being on a date, I can attest to that fact. Here are some questions Bollinger should have asked: Will you allow women to have the right to initiate divorce from their husbands or obtain a passport without the consent of their husbands? Will you allow boys and girls to date or go to school together? Do you promise that the people in Iran can be safe in publicly criticizing you or the Supreme Leader Khomeini? Will you guarantee people's rights to wear whatsoever clothing they choose in public? Will you allow people to convert away from Islam to other religions? Would you support a free UN-administered referendum for your people to vote on whether they want an Islamic republic or a secular democratic republic? If yes, will you respect its outcome? |
| ... You know where I'm going. Is it necessary to say when one speaks of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad that you disapprove of him, disagree with him, believe him a wicked fellow and are not amused that he means to have missiles aimed at us and our friends? If it is, I am happy to say it. Who, really, isn't? But this has been our history: to let all speak and to fear no one. That's a good history to continue. The Council on Foreign Relations was right to invite him to speak last year--that is the council's job, to hear, listen and parse--and Columbia University was well within its rights to let him speak this year. Though, in what is now apparently Columbia tradition, the stage was once again stormed, but this time verbally, and by a university president whose aggression seemed sharpened by fear. There were two revealing moments in Ahmadinejad's appearance. The first is that in his litany of complaint against the United States he seemed not to remember the taking and abuse of American diplomatic hostages in 1979. An odd thing to forget since he is said to have been part of that operation. The second was the moment when he seemed to assert that his nation does not have homosexuals. This won derisive laughter, and might have been a learning moment for him; dictators don't face derisive from crowds back home. It was like the moment in 1960 when Khrushchev's motorcade stalled on Third Avenue and a commuter walked by and gave him the finger. Actually I don't know there was such a moment, but knowing Americans I'm sure there was. Talking and listening to the wicked is the way we always operated in the long freak show that was 20th-century world leadership. And I'm sure before. If Jefferson had dined only with those who'd been a force for good in the world, Jefferson would often have dined alone. If we insist only good and moral leaders talk to us, we'll wind up surrounded by silence. In fact, if we insist we talk only to those whose good deeds have matched their high aspirations, we won't always be on speaking terms with ourselves. ... |
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Originally Posted by jonvoight's car
It was like the moment in 1960 when Khrushchev's motorcade stalled on Third Avenue and a commuter walked by and gave him the finger.
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Originally Posted by Peggy Noonan is Still an Idiot, Though
"Actually I don't know there was such a moment, but knowing Americans I'm sure there was."
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Originally Posted by Jacob Singer
Ah, there's nothing like "fake but accurate" history.
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Originally Posted by Ali Mohamed
Haha, seriously? With a name like Ali Mohamed, you know I'm a crazy rabid patriot. First, get a sense of humor. Second, stop basing your arguments on vague stereotypes because you're too lazy to actually educate yourself about the outside world.
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Originally Posted by jonvoight's car
Yeah, I didn't get why she chose to write it that way.
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| Iran ready to work with US on Iraq By Roula Khalaf and Najmeh Bozorgmehr in Tehran Published: September 30 2007 19:05 | Last updated: September 30 2007 19:05 Iran is ready to help the US stabilise Iraq if Washington presents a timetable for a withdrawal of its troops, Tehran’s top security official said on Sunday. In an interview with the Financial Times, Ali Larijani, head of the Supreme National Security Council, which answers to Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader, rejected Washington’s accusations that Tehran is providing weapons to Iraqi militias, insisting the trouble with Iraq was that the US administration was pursuing a “dead-end strategy”. Mr Larijani maintained it was time world powers realised Iran’s nuclear progress could not be reversed and that they should enter into negotiations with Tehran without preconditions. Pledging to continue co*operation with the International Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nation’s nuclear watchdog, he made clear, however, that Iran would not suspend its *uranium enrichment programme – a key Security Council demand. But he said he was open to “ideas being put on the table” in forthcoming talks with Javier Solana, the European Union foreign policy chief, to resolve the nuclear stand-off. Mr Larijani suggested that both the US Democratic party and the British were getting it right in Iraq. The Democrats’ push for a timetable for withdrawal “seems to be logical”, he said, and the British were “more intelligent than the Americans”, having made the “necessary adjustments” and retreated to Basra airport. “If they [the Americans] have a clear definition of a timetable we’ll help them materialise it,” Mr Larijani said. “If the US is persisting with its mistakes, it shouldn’t ask for help from us.” The US has repeatedly accused Iran of undermining security in Iraq by supplying advanced roadside bombs and Iranian-made rockets to Shia militias. The US Senate last week called for the *Revolutionary Guards, the elite force allegedly involved in Iraq, to be designated as a “foreign terrorist organisation”. Political analysts say Iran’s strategy is to back the Shia-dominated government in Baghdad but also to ensure that the US does not leave Iraq emboldened to carry on another military campaign. Three rounds of talks between US and Iranian officials have been held in Baghdad but do not appear to have produced tangible results. Mr Larijani, however, dismissed US accusations as “lies”. He said Iran had asked for names of Revolutionary Guard personnel that the US said were involved in helping Iraqi groups but that it had received no response. |